Wednesday, 3 April 2019

CONGRESS MANIFESTO 2019

PROF FAIZAN MUSTAFA, VC, NALSAR, HYDRABAD has written an excellent piece in the Indian Express,

pl find link here https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-judicial-reforms-in-congress-manifesto-lok-sabha-elections-rahul-gandhi-5657365/

Pl find my comments as under--

Excellent write up. Prof Faizan Mustafa has touched the core of the issues. He rightly mentions that the Supreme Court of India is the strongest Court of the world. It is because of various reasons referred in the article. Three other reasons may be, 1) It has declared in 1973 that the Parliament cannot amend certain parts of the Constitution of India because they are essential values and principles of democracy called as basic structure theory 2) Constitutional amendments can also be declared unconstitutional on the ground of basic structure theory. This has not been done even in the USA where the Supreme Court is very powerful. 3) The growing use and power of article 32 and 142 through which the Supreme Court is making any order leading to amendments in the Constitution of India. That way, it is exercising constituent power.
It is disappointing for all to know that the Supreme Court lacks in its inclusive character. Is it a supply side problem or demand side problem? Is it because of some systematic bias against weaker section of society? Or is it because we fail to come up with qualitative intellectual product? Or is it because of both? Some critics blame the Supreme Court for this, though Prof Faizan has not done this. Many times qualitative product is not available. Many posts of professors (or other teaching posts) are lying vacant because of unavailability of SC/ST candidates. We can understand the difficulty at judicial side where responsibility is greater. Regarding Muslim judges, India has fared well though it may perform better. Judges who had maximum tenure in the Supreme Court were Muslims. Lack of education among Muslims need no explanations.
Regarding accountability of judiciary, the provision of review, revision, appeal, SLP, PIL, curative, late night petitions etc are means of rectifying defects and therefore make the judges responsible. The Supreme Court is very much open to improvements. There is no Court in world which permits various modes of improvements. Indeed they are one of the reasons of delay which has been rightly pointed out by the author. Accountability in the sense of easy impeachment has its weaknesses. If impeachment will be easier, it will have impact on independence of judiciary. We may recall how an obiter observation on reservation policy has invited impeachment fear against a Gujrat judge. A decision which goes against majority sentiments may attract impeachment under the pressure of majority. The impeachment motion against Supreme Court judge V Ramaswamy failed not because of strict procedure but because of partisan politics played by Congress party who sabotaged impeachment motion by exercising absenteeism. Prof Faizan writes very well which we discuss in public forums.

Sunday, 24 February 2019

LABOUR LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES



LABOUR LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES
Often students ask teachers some research topic for writings as research paper, assignment, dissertation and PhD. They are also useful for seminar, conferences etc. A good topic of practical significance with a few research questions are proposed.
The security guards in Gulmohar Greens society, Mohan Nagar, Ghaziabad, UP, receive Rs 8470/ for February months, 2019. They are staff of a well known security company. Security guards work for 12 hrs each day.
1.     What is the salary amount each day and each hour?
8470/28 days=Rs 302/day
302/12 hrs =Rs 25/hour
2.   Is there any law to regulate it? If so, discuss with provisions?
3.   Is it violation of fundamental rights? Pl mention, provisions of law?
4.   Is it violation of human rights? Pl mention, provisions of law?
5.    Whether the custodian of the institution (residential society, schools, colleges, universities, courts etc) has any legal responsibility? Pl suggest.
6.   What are the executive remedies available to them?
7.    What are the judicial remedies available to them?
8.   Are there binding judicial directions to State?
9.   Have you done something in this regard?  
10.                      If a duty oriented citizen (AD) wishes to register a complaint, where can he approach online and offline? 




Wednesday, 13 February 2019

INTERNAL HURDLES IN LODGING SEXUAL HARASSMENT CASES


INTERNAL HURDLES IN LODGING SEXUAL HARASSMENT CASES
On Feb 11, 2018 I read a news in the Hindu news paper that a lady journalist has complaint against another male journalist for sexually harassing her since 2016. She also complaint against 3 other male journalists who conspired with the main suspect and send her obscene or threatening messages. All four work in reputed news papers. [read the news item here—“Scribe accuses ex-colleague of sexual harassment”, https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/scribe-accuses-ex-colleague-of-sexual-harassment/article26232216.ece] 
Often we have heard that a woman has not lodged a sexual harassment complaint though she was facing it for last many months, some time years. A number of explanations can be convincingly given. I share with one because of my personal knowledge.
A father has approached me regarding a sexual harassment case of his daughter, D1, who is major. D1 used to work in a private company in Madras in 2013. The director of the company (suspect here), wanted some sexual favour, which she declined. The suspect Directr and the Bss of the company continued to harass her and therefore she left the job in 2013 itself. She joined another company which operates overseas with the idea that being in a foreign country, may be, the suspect stops harassing. She wrote a review of his company mentioning that one of the top executive of the company deliberately hires girls with evil intention. The suspect, after knowing about this review threatened her that he will see her and also her parents, younger brother n sister who stays in Bombay. In other words, a vendetta, and teaching a lesson type message. He continued sending vulgar messages through sms, though infrequently. In 2017 he did so, in 2018 he did it may be 3 4 occasions. The girl warned him of a police complaint. In 2019 the suspect director has written to the HR of the overseas company where now the girl is working outside India. The director has sent the photograph of the girl to HR mentioning that they are looking for this girl against whom an FIR is registered in Madras. He has sent similar messages to her facebook friends. The messages also contained wild and baseless allegations which were not only false but defamatory and derogatory to her.   
My natural question was why did not she lodge a complaint earlier, ie 201320142015 etc. You need not be genius to predict answers which are understandable. There may be five (or more) reasons of delay or inordinate delay--  
     i.        The culture of overlooking,
   ii.        Apprehension of counter reaction and vendetta from director of company.
 iii.        I came to know that she also tried complaining in cyber cell but cyber cell complaint portal is not user friendly. It needs some cell phone no, and OTP, and OTP not delivered. It happens that you try once and twice and then you leave it for future and ultimately give up in frustration and helplessness.

 iv.        Most importantly, the fear of joblessness. As she has disclosed the hostile environment of the company in public domain,  the corporate world would think, she might be a problem to any company because a company or (even academic institutions who boast to be independent and respect freedom of thought and expression) who writes review in public domain. Writing review about your own employer is dangerous idea.     
The fear of losing job from the company is one reason. The chances of getting job also decreases because the perception and policy of hiring company is that “avoid such woman.” A lady that raises voice against sexual harassment must fight for justice but is not suitable for company. Because she might raise voice for other aspects of justice also like working hours, ethics, promotion
etc. Such ladies (or gents) are to be avoided in company. A company needs gentle-man and gentle woman. By raising voice she has conveyed that she cannot be pushed to wall and therefore not suitable for position and power. Such persons would not be very much helpful in making  profit and revenues for company. This perception is also because of certain apprehension, like will it be ok to ask the woman to meet targets, can the company put purely work related pressure. The apprehension is not because the boss in company wants some physical favoure or because she will make false complaint. This is also because the company or institutions feel uncomfortable dealing with these woman (or men) who may raise voice. Friends are also alert that recommending this girl to a company or firm means not usual recommendation. In other words, not only present employment is at risk but potential of future employment also becomes gloomy. Various companies also seek details of past employment. They do verify the credentials and take feedback from past employer. An employee who complains or goes in public domain like social media against unhealthy practices of companies donot get positive feedback.
   v.        Sometime the relationship and close friendship (not necessarily physical) with male and female colleagues or with senior colleague is consensual which goes for 2 3 4 years with a few stages of making  them unfriendly or maintaining distance, or conveying him his limits, breaking up and making up, restoring relationships. In these cases also when the male makes unwelcome gesture or advancement, the woman avoids or has a type of guilty feeling. That also prohibits woman to complain because she feels that she had provided breeding ground for some unwelcome, obscene unwanted turn of the relationship.
What is the way out?
There is hardly any (a+b)2  type formula or quick fix solutions. Each situation is itself a different fact situation. However, certain proposals can be made---
1. Enhancing employment opportunities for woman who complaint with credible evidences. Governments, NGOs or individuals may launch a website for such women where the opportunity of employment may be explored. However, this is not going to help a daily wager, a domestic servant, a lady worker in a shop and likes.
2. If the State has enough pockets like Nirbhaya fund, each such complainant may be given some compensation or some monthly sustenance (or compensatory) allowance for a period of six months.
3. Interest free loans or (low interest loan) may be offered by governments, NGOs or individuals.
4. Lawyers may provide free legal aid and ensure access to effective legal proceedings write from filing a complaint or FIR to fighting cases in court. The apprehension that legal course is going to be another financial burden also serves as an impediment.
5. There must be some effective mechanism to address the issue of jurisdiction. There must be some integrated system through which if a complaint is lodged at one police station, the aggrieved party or victim shall have the opportunity of filing FIR without any hassle. In the era of technological intervention and passing of IT Act, complaint mechanisms should be speedy and effective. However, in the illustration above, the experience was such that the family members were helpless. Despite repeated mails there was no response on those complaints. Moreover, E-FIR shall include more types of crime reporting as it is specifically for petty crimes like theft etc. In spite of provision of zero FIR there have been cases that the police personnel refuse to lodge complaint on technical grounds. The mindset of police personnel was rather unwelcoming as they denied lodging FIR filed by family members on behalf of the victim. On the contrary the social media were more active. They operated within twenty four hours and remove the defamatory comments. (this fifth suggestion was added by Pooja Tiwari, LL.M. (final semester) student (2018-19) at the Indian Law Institute, New Delhi). 
The author Anurag Deep teaches law at the Indian Law Institute, New Delhi. 



Friday, 8 February 2019

Comparative Law-Constitutional System in India and USA-A few Clarifications

Constitutional System in India and USA-A few Clarifications  


Judgmental Statements of distinguished foreign experts are based on ignorance of legal information on India. An hour-long discussion with an American professor discloses certain facts and exposes certain myth.  Often the US experts are critical as to the length and content for the  Indian Constitution and the process of appointment of judges. Three central arguments are as under-- 

  1. The Constitution of India is very very long. It is not constitution but the whole law. It should be limited to 4 pages. Only basic things should be written. 
  2. The judges appoint themselves as if it is their own society. USA system is better. Indian system of collegium is very very bad.
  3. The judges should only interpret law and not promulgate law. The judges are not elected and therefore they do not have mandate for a reform in law.
 While I agree on certain jurisprudential aspects on judicial legislation, appointment procedure, as the discussion proceeded, I came to know that the  conclusion of the learned Professor is based on certain myth about Indian legal system.


  1. Constitution is Long..

    I informed them that in India the States do not have their own constitution. We have only one federal constitution with an exception of Jammu and Kashmir. Therefore, India has 29 States and 2 constitutions (one for J/K and one for India). In USA, there are 50 States and 51 constitutions. Each constitution in State has addressed the regional concern. In our constitution, the concern of regions and diversity is addressed in one document. For an example, special provision for scheduled areas, River dispute, etc. The Professor told he did not know India has only one Constitution and States do not have their own constitution. 


  2. Appointment of Judges

    The Professor told that judges cannot be reformist and cannot promulgate law, because they are not elected. In addition, they don't have democratic legitimacy, because in USA both executive and Senate (Upper house of the Parliament) appoints them. 
    I asked what is so pious in election as such and how is a selection through Executive as well as Parliament a better method to ensure independence and merit. The USA way of appointment of judges have their own strength and weaknesses. Indian collegiums system has its own. Indeed the USA system of appointment was discussed in the Constituent Assembly in India and was not approved because when democratic process is involved, majoritarianism ideology is decisive. Other negative factors come in. A judge, even if he is outstanding, cannot be a US judge, if he is liberal in Trump regime. A judge who is very conservative and thinks local rather than think global, will be appointed as Judge. So, decisive concern is ideology and ruling party line rather than merit or independence of judge. Can such judge, who was appointed because of his party line of the government, decide against the party line. Probably yes, and probably no also. You scratch my back I do your. The chances of bias in USA judges are more than that in India. 
    The American Professor agreed but insisted that the collegium, acts as a private company and then a judge is appointed among friends. Moreover, a US Supreme Court judge rules for may be 10 years or 15 years or may be for 20 years in the Supreme Court. In USA judges may serve even for 27 years. At least they are democratically selected. 
    I informed that in India the Supreme Court judges serve only upto 65 years. 
    He was surprised. Only 65 years. You mean a law is there or a convention. I replied that not just a law, the Constitution provides for 65 years. He did not believe. The Constitution retires them at 65 years. In USA, the convention is 70 years, which is voluntary. But the Supreme Court judges work may be up to 80 years. 
    I also informed that by convention the minimum age of a SC judge is 55 years, subject to a couple of exceptions. He wanted to confirm... “means a judge in the SC can work for a maximum period of 10 years, generally.” 
    I replied-Yes sir, and the average period a judge spends here is very low. The tenure of CJIs (Chief Justice of India) was as low as 1.5 years on an average.

The learned professor, who was adamant on his views was little silent and went in thinking mode.   
One of the essential elements of a research work in law and in comparative law is to be aware of all facts and law before making inferences and conclusions. When it comes to comparative study, it has to be comprehensive and not isolated. When it is done in isolation, we raise eyebrows and offer surprises.

Thursday, 7 February 2019

JUSTICE BY THE MOB-PRESUMPTION OF GUILT-HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERN-AN INCIDENT AT METRO STATION PICK POCKET


“He looks like a pickpocket…”

It was February  6, 2019 around 8pm at Vaishali Metro Station, Ghaziabad. I was coming out of the metro train and moving downstairs when some halla gulla attracted me. I saw a young boy of 18 or 20 years old, in very simple clothing, being questioned by three or four passengers on the way to the stairs. They were accusing the boy of attempting to pickpocket. The boy was aggressively denying their accusations. There was an exchange of abusive words. Then, another young passenger in his 20s slapped him.
The boy fell down and started weeping, saying “I have not attempted any theft”. Meanwhile, two others also used their hands and one grabbed his collar. I intervened and requested them to not beat him.
When they ignored me, I enhanced my pitch, changed my tone, and told them, “You complain to the police; I will go with you to lodge an FIR. But you dont have any authority to beat a person”. The victim, here the alleged pickpocket, was showing reluctance to go to the police downstairs. He said that he had to catch the Metro train and he had done nothing. Upon further insistence by me, he was almost dragged to the Metro office by the mob, while I followed them When I entered the office, I found that none of the complainants was there. Those persons, at least four, who had been accusing the young boy had disappeared. I called for them twice, loudly, but failed to locate any of them.

Two police men were with me. They said, “Sir, yahee hota hai, log complaint nahee karte kai baar.”
Inside the metro office, the young boy (alleged pickpocket) was being questioned by many, including the metro staff, passengers, police, and a person who informed that he belonged to crime branch. Everyone was asking the same question, “Sach bata, kya kar raha tha.”
The young boy folded his hands, crying. “Mai to Metro se ja raha tha”.
A person interrogated, “Kahan ja raha tha, kahan ka roman hai.”

The young boy was not able to recall the destination for which he had bought the token. He replied, “30 rupaye ka token liya hai aur…”

A person took his token to discover his destination. Others were asking his name and address and repeatedly accusing him of being a pick pocket. They insisted that people like him have become a menace in the whole Metro station and train. “Char danda maariye, sab ugal dega,” they suggested.

Meanwhile, one person claiming to be from the crime branch declared that the boy was a drug addict. “Sir, hamara to roj ka kaam hai, dekhte hee pahchan jate hain.”

A metro staff member had questions and confident assumptions of his own. Kahan rahta hai? Aree sir, ye aadatee apradhee hai, main doosree baar ise dekh raha hun. Abhee ek metro station par pakde gaye hain do log. Ye usee gang ka hai.”
My advice to him was simple. ”If you know he has previously pickpocketed and is a man of that gang, please lodge a case. Otherwise allow him to go.”

“Aise kaise jaane de?” Was the baffled response.

I informed them that they could not detain a person. The present police could, but even they did not have the authority to detain him for a long duration. On being told by a staff member that he was a “suspect”, my response was, “All those who alleged that he had attempted to pickpocket are not here. Neither you, nor any other person, was there. I was there but I saw he was being beaten by two or three fellow passengers. Now, you can institute a case or let him go.”

The staff member was scornful. “Aapko kanoon pata hai…” a half statement, half question.

“Mujhe toh pata hai, kya aapko pata hai?” I calmly responded. I insisted that the truth would be discovered based on the CCTV footage. The police could enquire further or, given that the boy had a token, allow him to go. I asked him to keep some ID in the future. He looked at me with gratitude, aware that I was the only person protecting him from this impromptu Kangaroo Court.
I refused to leave him to the mercy of the mob and continued to insist that he be allowed to leave, and finally, he was. The mob had branded him as an “accused”. A couple of its passengers had beat him up. And all of them had concluded that he was the pick pocket. How quick we are in judging a person if his clothes are simple, his hair uncombed, his etiquette uncouth and his looks rustic! Yes, there might have been reason to suspect him. He had no ID. He claimed to be 16 years old when he easily looked like he was over 18. He could not recall the name of his destination. However, all of these could be explained through other reasons, without jumping to conclusions.

This is but one illustration of the unholy thinking of mob justice and quick justice, that too when there are only allegations of attempt and the police is easily approachable in metro stations. This is an illustration of rule of mob, or rule by men, and not rule of law. This is an illustration of violation of human rights not by state by but by other human beings. The passengers firmly believed that the accused should be punished immediately. I wish to ask these people, “Let us suppose that you are driving a bike or a car which hits a child and kills her. Should people beat you? In this case, it is certain you hit the child. You may not be at fault. No over speeding, no red light jumping. It was purely by chance that the child came on the road. But people will presume that you are at fault. The law sometimes also factually presumes that a driver holds additional responsibility vis-a-vis a pedestrian. Should you be taken to the police, or should the parents of the child and other passersby strike your face with their hands and fists? A person who is poor and weaker is always a suspect, be s/he a domestic servant, a driver, a waiter, a rickshaw puller, or a pavement dweller. We need to banish this mentality. As far as those who take the law into their hands are concerned, they should be accordingly warned under CrPC 1973 (security for good conduct) and may also be prosecuted under the Indian Penal Code. In this case, the young man was alleged to commit attempt to pickpocket and he was beaten and dragged. Even if he is an accused who was caught red handed or a convicted criminal, the rule of law prevails. The reaction of a victim of pickpocketing may be natural, a concerned citizen may be worried by the rising incidents of pickpocketing in metro stations and trains, a passerby may want to help deliver justice and a metro staff member may want to check this menace of pickpockets. The purpose is pious and end is excellent. Nevertheless, the means used, like presuming someone is a thief based on stereotypes associated with his or her dressing sense, hair, skin colour, or even facial features, and then taking the law into one’s own hands goes against the law and human rights. The minimum requirement of human rights needs to be followed without any exception.

The responsibility of an intellectual citizen, or one conscious of his or her “fundamental duty”, is to develop a “scientific temper” and to intervene in all these cases, not remain a silent spectator.

The author sincerely acknowledge Ms Charvi Kumar, (PhD schloar, ILI, New Delhi) for her inputs and corrections. 

Sunday, 3 February 2019

MAMATA BANERJEE, RAJEEV KUMAR v CBI (FEB 3, 2019 INCIDENT) : CONSTITUTIONAL And LEGAL ISSUES




In West Bengal a big scam was noticed through ponzi scheme or chit fund type scheme. Companies collected some money and promised to give heavy return. Sardha and other companies were involved in this scheme and scam where the companies cheated lakhs of people most of whom were people from poor and weaker section of society. (poor persons invested even Rs 100 in the scheme).  The Sardha group started its nefarious design in 2006 and the scam was noticed in 2013. This group and other groups may have collected around 20000 crores from West Bengal, Orissa, Assam, Bihar, Tripura and duped millions of people. Mamata Banerjee constituted a special investigation team (SIT) comprising four IPS officers headed by Rajeev Kumar who is currently Commissioner of Police, Kolkata. In 2013 he being head of SIT has investigated the case, collected various documents, electronic evidences, pen drives, CD, etc. Kunal Kumar Ghosh, Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha, Journalist and MP, TMC was arrested in 2013. The Supreme Court on May 9, 2014 ordered CBI to take over investigation of Sardha scam and other similar scam in all concerned States. Certain arrests were made. Srinjoy Bose, Member of Parliament from TMC was arrested in Nov, 2014 by CBI. CBI also summoned four IPS officers constituting SIT to appear and give details of their investigation. Rajeev Kumar, CP, Kolkata has also been summoned at least three times but he did not appear. The CBI also asked for police staff as the volume of scam was too big and the CBI required human resources. CBI approached the Supreme Court regarding non cooperation of the West Bengal government. On July 16, 2018 the Supreme Court observed that such attitude of West Bengal government was "Sorry State of Affairs" and instructed the government to cooperate CBI. The Supreme Court also asked police officers to approach court in case they feel unnecessarily harassed. In August 2018 CBI again summoned Rajeev Kumar who did not turn up. Meanwhile CBI got engaged in its own trouble between two top officers (Alok verma and Rakesh Asthana) where both alleged each other of serious corruption charges followed by removal of CBI director. It seems after the internal conflict of CBI was over, CBI instructed Kolkata office to meet and inquire Rajeev Kumar because CBI apprehended that crucial evidences are destroyed and disappeared. Therefore, to further investigate the CBI team tried to meet Rajeev Kumar, the Police Commissioner of Kolkata.  CBI team was stopped, manhandled and detained by Kolkata Police. Mamata Banerjee alleged that CBI was being used by Modi government because in West Bengal there was a coalition meet of various political parties. Mamata Banerjee has also alleged that CBI has approached Kolkata police without permission of the State government. Is the CBI legally required to seek permission of State government in Sardha chit fund and Rose Valley scam? The answer is no because of two reasons, constitutional and statutory.
A.   Constitutional reason
The Supreme Court ordered CBI to conduct investigation in this scam of Sardha ponzi scheme (Subrata Chattoraj v. Union of India, May 9, 2014). This order is given under article 32 of the Constitution of India. The Supreme Court has exercised its power of judicial review under article 32 which is a part of basic structure of the Constitution of India. The Supreme Court exercises constitutional power under article 32 and therefore, this order is above any other provision, be it statutory or executive. If the central government gives CBI any direction to begin a probe, in that case, CBI cannot proceed without the consent of State government because both central and State government are executive authorities and both are bound by the provision (section 6 here) of DSPEA, 1946 (DSPEA deals with CBI). What to tell about Supreme Court, even high court can give direction to CBI to conduct investigation and CBI is not required to seek any permission. This is also not violative of federal feature. (see, State of West Bengal v. CPDR, 2010, a Constitution Bench decision).
B.   Statutory reason
It is being argued that Ms Mamata Banerjee has withdrawn the consent given under section 6 of DSPEA in Nov 2018. The Supreme Court passed a judgement (Subrata Chattoraj v Union of India)on  May 9, 2014 where it ordered the CBI to conduct investigation into the scams to the tune of 10000 crores (and 2015 the Supreme Court apprehended that it may be 20000 crore). Such withdrawal of consent by an executive authority is inconsequential because the order was by the Supreme Court under constitutional power. For the sake of legal discussion only the legal question is whether the withdrawal of such consent has retrospective operation or prospective operation. Will such withdrawal be operative from back date and stop previous investigations? There is another Supreme Court judgement which removes the cloud. In the case of Kazi Lhendup Dorji v. Central Bureau of Investigation decided on 29 March, 1994, (1994 Supp (2) SCC 116) by a full bench (three judges) the Court held-“ Section 6 of the Act, operates only prospectively and the said withdrawal would not apply to cases which were pending investigation on the date of issuance of the said Notification. The Notification dated January 7, 1987, does not preclude the C.B.I, from submitting the report in the competent court under Section 173 Cr. P.C. on the basis of the investigation conducted by it ….
Therefore, the argument that CBI did not take consent of the West Bengal government or the step of CBI violates federal structure or the consent was withdrawn has no sound legal basis.  Other objections are that there is a court order not to take coercive measure. And CBI did not go with warrant to meet Rajeev Kumar at his residence. For normal inquiry no warrant is required under law that too when the Supreme Court has ordered investigation with free hand. And talking to an SIT chief is not a coercive measure that too when he did not honoured various summons of the CBI and CBI had apprehensions that evidences are destroyed or disappeared.
 The CBI was doing its job and ensuring rule of law be prevailed. The government of West Bengal and the police chief has not discharged their obligation and acted against rule of law. Hope the Supreme Court will take this matter seriously and direct the West Bengal government to cooperate with CBI.

Wednesday, 16 January 2019

LAW AND PRACTICE : A ILLUSTRATIVE CONFLICT BETWEEN RULE OF LAW AND HUMAN RIGHT?


Law and practice
Sometime wrong and unlawful practices develop and become normalize so much that it is difficult to defend law. From Mohan Nagar crossing in Ghaziabad to Vaishali metro station (in Ghaziabad), the big autos run everyday which have the permissible capacity of 8 passengers and 1 driver. The auto takes 11 or 12 passengers. This is not only unlawful but sometime creates risk to the security and safety of passengers.  It creates inconvenience to passengers and take more time to start because once the capacity of 8 passengers is full, outside passengers also avoid sitting for comfort. 
Today (Jan 17, 2019) a lady fellow passenger was asking the auto driver to move as the capacity of 8 passengers was full. But the driver was waiting for 3 more passengers as plying with 8 means a loss of Rs 10x3=Rs 30. The lady was being delayed as it was morning time to reach office for everyone. She was expecting fellow passengers also to push for an immediate movement of vehicle. We were silent as we Indians are generally silent (unless it is a religious or caste or political issue). I'm usually outspoken on almost all matters which are lawful or justified. However on this matter I was not only silent but also of the opinion that the driver should take 3 more passengers even if it is not permissible. On certain previous occasions I ve indeed defended the driver taking his daily load of 11 passengers in violation of the permissible limit of 8 passengers. My justification is "Why should the driver lose his Rs 30 on every trip, that too in the morning when with little effort he can find passengers." In the noon it is not possible to find even full capacity of 8 passengers. The driver is earning a few rupees more by making some effort (of course breaching the law and at the discomfort of passengers). 
Then I felt that I ve started defending something that is unlawful in practice and arguing against something that is lawful. By choosing to remain silent I indeed encourage the auto driver and not observing my fundamental duties under Part IVA of the Constitution of India. Is it right for me to do it? Am I offending the rule of law? The whole issue is law vis a vis practice. Right to livelihood of driver vis a vis right of consumer, both a human right. Right of driver to earn more and money vis a vis right of citizen to reach on time or ve lawful comfort and safety. A little discomfort of consumers gives the driver better reward for his employment. Is it a sound conflict between rule of law and human rights of driver? A Yaksh prashn to me. Im trying to find a way in the conflict. 

Sunday, 13 January 2019

CBI v CBI case --ALOK KUMAR VERMA, TRANSFER , NATURAL JUSTICE AND INSTITUTIONAL INTEGRITY


  

Alok Kumar Verma v. Union of India[1]
(popularly known as CBI v CBI case)

                                                                                                                                                                     I.            Facts

Alok Kumar Verma, was removed from the post of CBI director and transferred to Fire services on the recommendation of a High Power Committee (HPC). This HPC comprised of the PM- Narendra Modi, Justice AK Sikri (who was representative of the Chief Justice of India, Justice Ranjan Gogoi) and Congress leader Mallikarjun Kharge. It was not a unanimous decision because Mallikarjun Kharge noted a long dissent. The majority relied on the CVC reports which contained serious charges against CBI director. The support by Justice Sikri in the majority in HPC indicates there was really something serious with CBI director that he was not fit for the post. The HPC relied on a report of CVC. There were certain allegations against Alok K Verma. The CVC was inquiring charges against Alok K Verma under the supervision of Justice A K Patnaik. Both the report, CVC and Patnaik report was submitted  before the full bench of the Supreme Court who perused the reports. Media reports suggest that Patnaik, J. has insisted that he did not find evidence against Alok K Verma and the finding of CVC is not his finding. This aspect needs some clarity.  
A couple of months back (On October 23, 2018) Alok Kumar Verma, the then CBI director was divested of his powers and was sent on forced leave. Another CBI officer (special director) Rakesh Asthana was also sent for the forced leave. Both made accusations against each other of serious corruption and were fighting like "cats." The action of “forced leave”to both was taken by the Government of India on the recommendation of Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) in the mid night.  
Alok K Varma was aggrieved. He approached the Supreme Court the next day, ie Oct 24, 2018.  On Jan 8, 2018 a full bench of the Supreme Court unanimously quashed orders of CVC and the Government of India. He was reinstated to work as a CBI director but his powers as full fledged CBI director was not restored. He was asked not to take any policy decision which points to the fact that the Court smelled something wrong. The Court also directed the HPC to decide on his powers to function as full fledged CBI director within a week. This direction also denotes that the argument of the central government regarding some an extraordinary situation had some merit. In other words the power of judicial review of administrative decision was exercised classically and merit review was left to the HPC which is an established principle of administrative as well as constitutional law. (See, PJ Thomas judgement, 2011 to find a distinction between judicial review and merit review). In judicial review of classical sense the judiciary does not go in the legality of the decision because it cannot question the choice or wisdom of the decision making body. It can only examine whether the prescribed procedure was followed or not in word and spirit. In modern sense of review (merit review) judiciary can question both procedure as well as decision. This is a limited exercise done in extraordinary cases.    

                                                                                                                                          II.            Ratio of the case

The full bench of the Supreme Court in Alok Verma case relied on following points:
1. Principle (P1) – The Director of CBI should be protected from all extraneous interference and pressure. His independence and impartiality are paramount.
2. Provisions (P2) – The laws were amended to ensure his independence in all matters, be it appointment or removal or transfer. Only a high-powered committee comprising of Prime Minister, Chief Justice of India and Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha is empowered to take such a decision.
3. Precedents (P3) – In 1996, a Constitution bench of the Supreme Court, in Vineet Narayan v. Union of India[2] (a full bench) held that independence of CBI has to be ensured. CBI ought to be insulated from any governmental interference. Therefore, the Court, in Vineet Narayan case issued mandatory directions and the same were incorporated in the statute by way of amendments[3] in 2014. In other words, P1 was propounded in P3 and P2 recognised it.
4. What is the degree of protection or insulation? Whether P1, P2 and P3 intended absolute protection from Government or the Government had some inherent powers to be used in extraordinary situation? The Supreme Court traced this answer through the intention of the Parliament in enacting the amendments.[4] The Court observed that the amendments took away all powers of dealing with appointment and removal from the Government and vested it in the high-powered committee. While some enactments grant the power of removal in exceptional cases to the Government, the CVC Act does not recognise any such power. This indicates the Parliamentary intention was to give all powers only to the high-powered committee and no scope of extraordinary power under unforeseen situation was left for Government. Therefore, inherent power doctrine cannot be invoked in this case.

                                                                                                                                           III.            Interpretation

A.   Parliamentary intention
This case rests on literal and purposive interpretation. The negative way of tracing the intention of the Parliament is used in this case. The intention of the legislature can be traced by positive means. It can also be inferred by negative means. Positive means denote the positive or affirmative presence of some material (like Parliamentary debate, Reports of Parliamentary committees etc) which clearly establishes the desire of the legislature. Negative means denote the absence of provisions which is deliberate. If the provision of removal or extraordinary power or inherent power is provided in certain enactment and similar power is not provided in other enactment, an inference that can be drawn is that the absence is deliberate. The full bench has drawn an analogy that the Parliament never intended to grant any inherent power in the CVC or government as an emergency measure in case of squeezing the power of CBI because of its unique nature while the same is provided under other enactment. This is one of the established tools of interpretation though the negative way may not always be safe. Therefore it is always better to resort to positive means of reading the intention of the  Parliament. Why did the Court in this case not resort to the parliamentary debates? Was it because there was no debate on this point or was it because it was not presented by parties? In both cases it is worrying. It is better to use the debates at first to explore the intention then to resort to guess work of negative means, though in this case the negative means sounds workable.
B.   Rule of law
Another reason to support this finding of the Supreme Court is the principle of rule of law that any grey area in law is a paradise for citizen or petitioner. S/he can take the benefit of that lacuna of legal provision. On the other hand the government authority has to show the express source of power. The source of power cannot be implied. Any grey area is a limitation on the government and a lawyer of a petitioner can is within his jurisdiction to take liberty of that grey area. (See, Jeremy Waldron- The Rule of International Law, Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, 2006 where he initially differentiates between the meaning of Rule of law for government and citizen) In Alok Verma case the power to remove CBI director was not expressly provided in the CVC Act, 2003. The government cannot read the silence of law in its own favoure. Therefore, the action of the government to send him on “forced leave” was taken in the manifest disregard of the law and the precedents. The central government action to remove Alok K Varma, the then CBI Director without following the prescribed procedure of HPC was against the core values of rule of law, though the government may have best of the intention to ensure the integrity of the institution and may have acted bona fide.  
In pursuance of the Supreme Court judgement (Jan 08, 2019) the HPC met and decided by majority to remove Alok K Verma from CBI Director post and transferred him to Fire department. In other words the HPC restored the decision of CVC and the government of India. The decision of CVC and the government of India was not wrong but procedure to reach that decision was wrong.

                                                                                                                                          IV.            Natural justice

Alok Verma did not join fire department and opted to retire. He and a group of intellectuals as well as media has criticised the decision of HPC on the ground of natural justice and reliance on CVC report. In his letter Alok Verma alleged that before removal from the post and transfer to another department, he was not heard. Alok Verma as a CBI director himself transferred a number of other CBI officers. In less than 48 hours in the office he transferred around 10 officers. He never gave any of them any hearing. None of the transfer was made because of any allegation of corruption or accusation of misconduct. CBI Director was not required to give a fair hearing because transfer is a routine matter. Indeed there is no rule of administrative law to follow natural justice in case of transfer from one post to other post, if the position is transferable. Even suspension does not need the rule of natural justice to be followed. Alok K Verma was not even suspended. Justice Sikri has restated similar principle of administrative law. [He answered a question of Justice Katju.] The difference between transfer, suspension and removal is a “distinction with difference.” Alok K Verma was transferred, neither suspended nor removed. If the person is removed from the service, the rule of natural justice has to be followed. Alok K Verma was not removed from the service but from the post. The advocates of Alok K Verma seem to have been confused between the word service and post. They also seem to be merging the natural justice jurisprudence of removal cases from non removal cases. It would certainly be a great day for administration if such rule could be followed in transfer and suspension also. The advocates of Alok K Verma want a new jurisprudence be followed. Can a new jurisprudence be developed by HPC? Moreover his transfer was not a routine transfer. It was based on certain allegations. For official proceedings such allegations should be mere prima facie in nature.

Sensitive posts, Transfer and natural justice-Judicial precedents

HC judges enjoy greater independence and immunity vis a vis CVC or CBI director because of constitutional status, power to decide matters finally and interpret law exclusively. Indeed their independence in a part of basic structure of the Constitution of India. When a transfer is made by the judicial collegium, there is no rule of natural justice to be followed. In case of allegation against a judge, there is absolutely no scope of natural justice. Union of India v. Sankal Chand Sheth, A.I.R. 1977 S.C. 2328 can throw light on the issue of transfer and natural justice, especially when high functionary is involved. The issue  before the Constitution Bench was whether a high court judge can be transferred without his consent or not in the light of article 222 (1)  of the Constitution of India. Whether non observance leads to interference in judicial independence? The majority on this point (Chandrachud, Krishna Iyer and Fazal Ali, JJ.) held that the consent of judge is not essential to transfer him. Minority judges (P. N. Bhagwati, Untwalia, JJ.) held it was essential.  The argument again cropped up in SP Gupta case (First Judges case, 1981) A.1.R. 1982 S.C. 149. It is well known that SP Gupta case was overruled on who has the final authority to appoint and transfer judges. However, it is less known that SP Gupta case was not overruled on various other issues. For example, on the issue of locus standi, or interpretation of article 32 it is still the largest bench decision of seven judges where all judges have delivered their separate and concurring opinion. Similarly should the rule of natural justice be followed in transfer of judges? This was again litigated in SP Gupta which still holds the field on transfer issue. In SP Gupta the majority again endorsed the majority opinion of Sankal Chand Sheth that requiring consent was a deliberate omission and not `causus omissus.' (See, “Transfer of High Court Judges and Independence of the Judiciary” by G. Ajith Icumar, Cochin University Law Review 1983). The second (1993) and third judges (1998) case are silent on the issue of transfer and consent. In contrast , CBI Director post is neither constitutional nor judicial post. If a post of high court judge does not need the rule of natural justice to be followed, how come a CBI director claim that due process is violated if natural justice is not given while transferring him from one position to other, that too when his working is alleged to be prima facie suspicious.

                                                                                                                                V.            Institutional integrity

In PJ Thomas (CPIL v. UoI, 2011) is another strong justification for non continuance of Alok K Verma as CBI Director. The full bench in this case has propounded the theory of institutional integrity. Justice Kapadia propounded  a concentrate difference between personal integrity of an officer and the institutional integrity of an officer. In this case High Power Committee recommended the name of PJ Thomas as Central Vigilance Commissioner (CVC) in 2010. That time P.J. Thomas was accused in criminal case pending in the Court of Special Judge, Thiruvananthapuram with respect to the offences under section 13(2) read with section 13(1)(d) of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 and under section 120B of the Indian Penal Code also known as "Palmolein case". P.J. Thomas allegedly had also played a big part in the cover-up of the 2G spectrum allocation also which was sub-judice. Under the proviso to Section 4(1) of the CVC Act, 2003 the “Parliament has put its faith in the High Powered Committee consisting of the Prime Minister, the minister for Home Affairs and the Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People.” The HPC (consisting of PM, Home Minister and Leader of opposition) was required to recommend the name of CVC. The majority recommended the name of PJ Thomas but leader of opposition opposed his appointment because of the criminal cases of serious nature against him. His eligibility was not in question because “unless proved guilty beyond reasonable doubts he was innocent.” There was no law which prohibited his eligibility based on FIR or investigation. Should such eligible person be not only eligible but also unblemished in nature? There was no legal provision for it. It seemed like a moral requirement. However, the Supreme Court referred N. Kannadasan v. Ajoy Khose [(2009) 7 SCC. Here a person was appointed Additional Judge of Madras high court for two years. There were a number of complaints against him. The complaints were examined by the judicial collegium and he was not recommended as a permanent judge. However, the State government appointed him as the President of State consumer forum. His appointment was challenged. It was argued that he has all eligibility for this post. The Division Bench, however, interpreted that such eligible persons should be “without any blemish whatsoever and that they should not be appointed merely because they are eligible to be considered for the post.” The post is “available for the eligible persons who are retired Judges which would mean that those Judges who had retired from service without any blemish whatsoever and not merely a person who "has been a judge".” Relying on this dictum and precedent Justice Kapadia in PJ Thomas observed :
while making the recommendations, the service conditions of the candidate being a public servant or civil servant in the past is not the sole criteria. The HPC must also take into consideration the question of institutional competency into account. If the selection adversely affects institutional competency and functioning then it shall be the duty of the HPC not to recommend such a candidate. Thus, the institutional integrity is the primary consideration which the HPC is required to consider while making recommendation under Section 4 [of the CVC Act, 2003] for appointment of Central Vigilance Commissioner. In the present case, this vital aspect has not been taken into account by the HPC while recommending the name of Shri P.J. Thomas for appointment as Central Vigilance Commissioner. We do not wish to discount personal integrity of the candidate. What we are emphasizing is that institutional integrity of an institution like CVC has got to be kept in mind while recommending the name of the candidate. [Emphasis added]
This is what is known as institutional integrity principle for the post which is of high public importance. The same principle is applicable in Alok K Verma case. It may be argued that PJ Thomas is not applicable in Alok K Verma case. There is no FIR against Alok K Verma unlike against PJ Thomas. PJ Thomas is more on ethical standard and moral standing of an institution than whether FIR is instituted or not. It is more on the core values of law than on positive law itself.  
At the same time the institution of FIR is not a prerequisite. In N. Kannadasan case there were mere complaints against a former judge. He was eligible for the post of President of consumer forum. However, it was doubtful whether in his regime the consumer forum might command the respect and confidence of people and the staffs because of his alleged previous conduct. In other words the director of CBI should not only be eligible, s/he must be a person without anything blemish. The presence of Alok K Verma in the CBI  was  likely to influence the independence and respect of CBI. Therefore, the HPC has rightly taken the decision to transfer him from CBI to fire department without any opportunity of hearing.  

                                                                                                                              VI.            Concluding remarks

The principle is simple and non-compromising that CVC and CBI has to be independent and impartial. Precedents through the Supreme Court has gone to the extent of exercising the power under article 142 to insulate it from government interference. The provisions have  been made for the same. The developments establish that independence and impartiality of CBI cannot only be attacked by the government but it can be a casualty of money power from private players. Both officers (then CBI no-1, Alok K Verma and no 2, Rakesh Asthana) alleged exchange of bribes in crores of rupees in the matters of CBI(See, Delhi high court decision on Asthana and reports of CVC in media). Such offices need a few people who "Live like hermit but work like a horse." The system, intellectuals and media needs to timely recognise honest and efficient officers. After recognition they should suitably reward them. This has to be collaborative and transparent exercise.
Can the CBI and CVC be given status at par with Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) or the Election Commission to ensure sustaining independence and impartiality? This sounds an attractive proposition but the answer cannot be an easy “yes.” CAG cannot themself enforce law. It gives its findings which is presented before the Parliament. An election Commission (EC) enforces laws during the election time only that too in context of election. Such enforcement has to be ultimately done by police and civil servants. They don’t have their own enforcement officers. If the officers do not follow orders, the EC can only cancel the election and take other steps later on. The CBI can enforce the criminal law themselves. They have their own enforcement officers. They can lodge FIR and arrest a person themselves unlike CAG or EC. Therefore, CVC and CBI may be granted constitutional status at par with CAG and EC with a few checks. But it sounds a remote possibility. The Lokpal is still a dream. However, the judgement will further empower and protect CBI from government interference.




[1] Decided on Jan 8, 2019 in Writ Petition (Civil) No.1309 of 2018.
[2] (1998) 1 SCC 226.
[3]  Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, 1946 as amended by act 1 of 2014 w.e.f. 16-1-2014 and by act 28 of 2014 w.e.f. 29-11-2014.
[4] Ibid.